Whitlam delivered his policy speech at the Blacktown Civic Centre, calling for a "fair go" for his government and a chance to carry out "the program".
This is the transcript of the Policy Speech delivered by the Prime Minister of Australia, Gough Whitlam, at the Blacktown Civic Centre, NSW, on April 29, 1974.
Men and Women of
Australia,
Just 17 months ago, I stood here,
and from this place and from this city I asked you to choose for Australia a new
team, a new program, a new drive for equality of opportunities. You gave us a
clear mandate to go ahead with our program for the next 3 years. For 17 months
we have driven ourselves to carry out your mandate, to carry out the program I
placed before you. Now the government you elected for 3 years has been
interrupted in mid-career. Our program has been brought to a halt in
mid-stream.
Everything we promised, everything we have achieved, everything you expected of us - your expressed hopes for
yourselves, your families, your nation - all of this is suddenly
threatened. It is threatened by the actions of the men you rejected a mere 17
months ago. It is threatened by the actions of men elected to the Senate not in
1972, but in 1967 and 1970. It is threatened by men who refused to stand by the
umpire's verdict - your verdict - to give us a chance, to give
you a chance, to give Australia a new chance.
These men who have falsified democracy
now ask you to turn back. Turn back to what? Think again how it was when you
elected us in 1972. Unemployment was at its worst for 10 years. Our rate of
growth was one of the world'
s worst -
a paltry 2%. The Australian
dollar was grossly undervalued. Foreign money was flooding in to buy up
Australian resources and Australian industries on the cheap. Accelerating
numbers of migrants were leaving in disillusion. Australia was still deeply
involved in the war in Vietnam. Our whole foreign policy was based on hostility
to China. We were running an army on the cheap by conscripting young men.
There were young men in prison for their conscience. Australia was a deeply
divided nation. Our young people were becoming alienated from the mainstream of
Australian society. The disrespect in which our national leadership -
the
Liberals -
were held at home had spread to disrespect for Australia
abroad.
Think again,
indeed!
Mark today'
s contrast. The
Australian economy is one of the most buoyant and vigorous in the
world.
Full employment has been restored.
Business activity is at its highest for a decade, company profits are at record
levels and business expectations are at an all time high. Through our economic
policies and our social security program, Australia'
s prosperity is
becoming more fairly shared than ever
before.
Abroad, Australia has never stood so
tall. We have buried old animosities. We are held in new respect by old
friends and allies. Never in her history has Australia been more
secure.
We have ended national division,
national disunity by ending our involvement in Vietnam, and ending
conscription.
We have opened up new and
expanding markets for our farm products.
By
placing family reunion for migrants above mere recruiting, we have stopped the
migrant drift.
For the first time Australia
has a government determined to promote Australian ownership and control of
Australian industries and resources.
For the
first time for a generation Australia has a government dedicated to equal
opportunity for all its citizens. We have more than doubled spending on
schools. We have abolished fees at universities, colleges of advanced education
and -
going one better than our pledge -
at technical
schools.
For the first time Australia has a
government determined to make the conditions of life more equal for all
Australians, wherever they live in
Australia.
For the first time Australia has a
government seriously concerned to give equality of opportunity to
women.
For the first time Australia has a
national government involving itself directly in the affairs of our
cities.
For the first time Australia has a
government ready to give local government direct access to the national
finances.
For the first time Australia has a
national government prepared to co-operate in renewing our decaying urban
transport systems.
For the first time
Australia has a national government determined to fulfil its constitutional
obligation towards the aboriginals.
For the
first time Australia has a government determined to preserve, protect and
enhance Australia'
s national estate -
our natural and historical
inheritance, what we keep from our past, what we transmit to the
future.
For the first time Australia has a
national government which recognizes the significance of the arts and artists in
our society. Our support for the arts has released an unparalleled burst of
creativity in this nation.
These achievements
are just some of the fruits of programs based on expert advice. We sought and
obtained the co-operation of the most highly qualified Australian men and women
to enquire into and to report upon basic requirements in Australia'
s
social and economic structures. These reports are public. The work of these
enquiries and commissions is the basis of a continuing, coherent, comprehensive
program. The new initiatives I announce tonight are the new dimensions and
expanded fruits of this work.
This premature
election means that these fruits are being denied the Australian people. It has
meant deferring our entire legislative program. We have this legislation ready
to go; it is crucial legislation, and we have it ready. We ask you to send us
back to get on with the business -
your
business.
In the Parliament that has been
dissolved four referendum bills had been twice rejected by the Senate. Under
the Constitution the Governor-General is submitting each of them to the
electors. Six other bills had been twice rejected by the Senate. That is why
under the Constitution the Governor-General has dissolved both Houses of
Parliament.
The Senate had also rejected nine
other bills. Some of them had been introduced a second time. When the
Parliament was dissolved 24 bills were waiting to be passed. The government
will reintroduce all these rejected and pending bills in the new Parliament.
Also, 107 new bills have been already
drafted and are awaiting introduction in the new Parliament; a further 104 bills
are being drafted on the government'
s
instructions.
Our programs -
the
programs you endorsed in 1972 -
had been developed over the previous six
years. They were published policies; they were debated in public; they were
scrutinized in Parliament. Time and time again as an Opposition, we put
positive proposals up for debate in Parliament. By contrast our opponents have
never since put up a single proposal for examination by either Parliament or the
public. When they forced this election, none of us knew anything of what they
proposed. All we knew was what they opposed. And that'
s really all we
know now.
In defence of their wealthy friends
and vested interests, they rejected the democratic principle of equal
electorates; they blocked attempts to democratise and modernise the trade union
movement; they denied representation in the Senate to the people of the Northern
Territory and the Australian Capital Territory; they sought to deny to local
government direct access to national revenues and borrowings; they preserved for
foreign mining interests the right to exploit our off-shore resources. They
preserved the inequity, inefficiency and injustice of an antiquated health
scheme. They have prevented one million of our fellow-citizens from having any
protection against hospital and medical
charges.
By shelving the Trade Practices Bill
they left the door open to monopolies and big corporations to fix prices,
organize cartels and exploit the Australian customer. By shelving the
Australian Industry Development Corporation Bill they blocked the most effective
instrument for ensuring Australian control of our industries and developing new
industries. They left the door open to foreign takeovers and foreign
exploitation of the Australian economy. Yet you had given us a clear mandate
for every one of these proposals they have opposed and obstructed.
These are the men who forced a premature
election. Now they are asking you to make a judgement affecting your lives,
your families and their welfare, your nation'
s future for the next three
years on the basis of policies cooked up in the last three weeks. When they
destroyed my government'
s power to govern they had no more idea of what
their policies would be than you did. All they knew is that they were out to
destroy the Whitlam Government. The Leader of the Opposition in the Senate
admitted on the night of the dissolution of Parliament “We embarked on a
course some 12 months ago to bring about a House of Representatives
election”. In the five weeks that the Senate sat this year votes were
taken on 43 occasions. The three opposition parties combined to defeat the
government on 42 of those occasions. They had made the parliament
unworkable.
What a spectacle this must
present to the world -
a world where everywhere democracy is under
challenge. In no other country in the world could an Upper House, elected
3½ years ago and 6½ years ago, use an outdated majority, a chance
majority, to bring down the government elected by the people only one and
one-third years ago.
And in Australia this
had never been before attempted by the Senate. Until our opponents lost office,
after 23 years, it had never been threatened in the Australian
Parliament.
One result of their actions is
that for only the third time in Australia'
s history, we are to have an
election for the whole Senate as well as the House of Representatives. In
addition, you will be asked to support referendum proposals to make the
Australian democracy more equitable and more efficient.
Referendums
The last occasion on which you voted for the whole of
the Senate and the House of Representatives was 1951. The first referendum
proposal is designed to avoid the situation after 1951. Barely two years after
the 1951 double dissolution there had to be an election for half the Senate and
then a year later a separate House of Representatives election. It is quite
wrong to suggest that the present dissolution of both Houses of itself
synchronises future elections for them.
It
does nothing of the sort. The elections for the two Houses will remain out of
kilter unless you accept our referendum proposal. Australia has too many
elections. Since 1963 we have had a national election every 1½ years.
That is not good for Australia. It does not make for good government or for a
healthy Parliament.
Australia needs a period
of stable government. Australia needs a period of stable leadership. We enter
upon a time of difficult decisions. Such decisions can be taken only by a
united government, a united leadership, a united Party, a united nation. And
our government alone offers such unity, such
leadership.
We need a Parliament which
reflects the will of the people as fully and accurately as possible. Our
referendum proposals are designed to achieve
this.
Our proposal to synchronise elections
for the Senate and House of Representatives was recommended as far back as 1958
by the all-party Constitution Review Committee established under Sir Robert
Menzies in 1956. The second proposal is to allow the Constitution to be altered
if a majority of all the electors in Australia approve and also a majority of
the electors in not less than one-half of the States; this proposal was also
recommended by the Constitution Review Committee in 1958. The third proposal is
that after July 1976 there should be equal electorates in the House of
Representatives and in every State House of Parliament; the method has been
perfected for the US Congress and State legislatures by the US Supreme Court
over the last 10 years; in Australia it will be applied by the High Court. The
Senate opposed your having a vote on any of these issues, even those recommended
as far back as 1958. But where the Senate twice rejects referendum proposals,
the Constitution gives you, the people, the right to vote on them regardless of
the Senate'
s rejection.
It is not
without significance that our opponents used their numbers in the Senate to
block your chance of having your say as electors on proposals to make Australia
a more stable democracy and a more equal democracy. Despite their obstruction,
you will, at referendums on the same day as the elections, be able to have your
say.
I know that these matters require your
thought and your time if you are to make a reasonable judgement. I ask you
again as I asked you two weeks ago, to give close thought to them and five
minutes of your time for the future of Australia on the 18 May.
The Economy
We Australians all now face together one of the great
historic challenges of our time; to make democracy work; to make the
parliamentary system work; and make it work better. We share this challenge
with most other parliamentary democracies. Equally, with them, with all major
trading nations, with all mixed economies, we share the problem of inflation.
We are all seeking ways by which the expectations, the wishes, the aspirations,
the hopes of every member of the community can be reconciled with freedom, good
order, security, stability. There is no simple answer, no one answer, no easy
cure. But if a solution is to be found or even attempted, we need a strong,
courageous, united leadership. We need at the same time, a national leadership
passionately concerned about the preservation of the democratic system and a
leadership compassionately concerned to protect the weaker members of the
community. I suggest to you that our government, since you elected it only 17
months ago, has shown such dedication and has shown its capacity for firm and
courageous decisions -
decisions which were sometimes initially unpopular,
opposed by powerful interests, but which have proved their correctness and which
have proved the doomsayers wrong.
World
events and the policies of our predecessors inevitably meant a higher rate of
inflation in 1973 than in 1972. We have acted firmly to moderate these
pressures.
And these policies are beginning
to work -
inflation has slowed.
All our
efforts to curb inflation have been opposed or obstructed by our opponents.
Where we took administrative action, they criticized. Where we took legislative
action, they obstructed. Where we sought more powers from you by way of
referendum, they opposed. Where we have sought co-operation with the States,
governments of the same political persuasion as our opponents have failed to
pass the necessary
legislation.
Administratively, we cut tariffs
by 25% to reduce the price of imports without damaging Australian industries.
We have twice revalued the Australian dollar reflecting its true status as one
of the world'
s strongest currencies.
By
legislation, we have tried to promote competition. As long ago as 1963 the
present Chief Justice Sir Garfield Barwick pointed to the need to outlaw
collusion between corporations in fixing prices above their genuinely
competitive level. Last September we introduced legislation to do just that.
Our opponents in the Senate combined three times, not just to oppose this
legislation, but to prevent it from even being
debated.
Only the Labor State of South
Australia has co-operated in setting up land commissions to stop the spiral in
residential land prices. The average price for a home site in Adelaide is
$5,000 and has begun to stabilise. The average price in Sydney is $18,500 and
is still rising.
Not content with obstructing
our efforts, our opponents in their election promises now propose economic
vandalism. Their policies mean soaking the average Australian wage and salary
earner. They mean cutting back on opportunities for creative employment. They
mean the same sort of unemployment Mr Snedden as Treasurer created two years
ago. They mean the same rise in indirect taxes which they imposed when in
government they pretended to reduce income tax in 1970. They mean disrupting
our program for help to all Australian schools. Their policies mean that once
again, as happened so often in the long life of the previous government,
Australian children -
year after year -
will be set back in their
opportunities.
When Mr Snedden speaks of
cutting back on government spending he means cutting back on schools, on health,
on social security. They are the only fields where meaningful cutbacks can be
made. Why should the children of Australia, the migrants, the old, the
handicapped, the sick, the retarded, the aborigines, the disadvantaged groups
pay the price for Mr Snedden'
s economic fantasies? Let our opponents say
clearly, honestly, unequivocally, that their weapons in the fight against
inflation in Australia are to be the children of Australia, the aged of
Australia, the handicapped of Australia, the aborigines of Australia, the
disadvantaged people in our Australian community. For that is what their
policies mean. These are the consequences, the undoubted consequences of their
rag bag of proposals.
Forget their half-baked
proposals and look at the performance -
their performance of obstruction
in Opposition, their performance of mismanagement in
government.
You will recall how for a
disastrous week before Christmas 1971 the then coalition government nearly fell
apart about the international value of the Australian dollar. The Leader of the
Country Party -
the man who wants to be Treasurer, the man whose remedy
for inflation is to double the price of oil -
threatened to walk out of
the government unless he got his way. And get his disastrous way he did. Their
division as much as their actual decision to devalue did great harm to Australia
in those days. Australia cannot afford a repetition -
yet nothing is more
certain, than that the return of our opponents to government would mean deep,
unbridgeable and continuing division and damage on the matter of the value of
the Australian dollar. Division on such a matter means undermining the strength
of the Australian dollar. Following the decision in 1971, this nation was
flooded with millions of dollars of unwanted foreign capital, capital which
sought to buy Australia up on the cheap. You must not allow it to happen
again.
This vast infusion of foreign money
was one of the root causes of the inflationary problem which we have faced ever
since we came into government. The men who created that problem now ask you to
give them back the government. The same men created the major economic problem
-
much more than an economic problem -
a social and human problem
-
which we first had to face when we came into government. It was the
problem of unemployment. The Budget of 1971 created Australia'
s worst
unemployment for 10 years. The man who made that Budget, the Treasurer who
presided over that unemployment, is the present Leader of the Opposition. We
promised to restore full employment. We have restored it. Every comparable
country in the world shares the problem of inflation. We are distinct from all
those countries in this: that in Australia alone, unemployment and inflation do
not march side by side. Our opponents by their divisions, by their decisions,
started the new round of inflation in Australia. Yet simultaneously, they
created unemployment. And these are the men who ask you to give them control
over your economic affairs.
Taxation
The new prosperity our policies have created, the
restoration of full employment we have achieved, the rise in wages and salaries
has brought new problems, in particular for the lower and middle wage and salary
earners. It has created a whole new range of problems and new inequities in the
field of personal taxation.
In September 1972 our predecessors appointed members of
a Committee under the chairmanship of Mr Justice Asprey to inquire into the
structure and operation of the present Commonwealth taxation system and to
formulate proposals for improving the system by making changes in it, abolishing
any existing form of taxation or introducing new forms of taxation. The
Committee was to have regard to the effects of the present system upon the
social, economic and business organisation of the community and upon the
economic and efficient use of the resources of Australia and to the desirability
of a fair distribution of the burden of taxation and of a system of collection
which was not unduly complex and did not involve the public or the
administration in undue difficulty, inconvenience or expense.
The Treasurer, Mr Crean, and I have had discussions with
the Asprey Committee, which will make a report to us by 1 June. Its
recommendations will therefore be taken into account in this year'
s
Budget, when we shall be giving urgent consideration to the restructuring of the
taxation system.
In my Policy Speech in
November 1972 I promised that we would expand the terms of reference of the
Asprey Committee to include State and Local Government taxation systems and
collection methods. The premiers of South Australia, Western Australia and
Tasmania agreed to cooperate but the responses of the other Premiers made it
impossible for the Committee to carry out the expanded
inquiry.
Last month, however, at a
Constitutional Convention standing committee which I chaired, it was decided
that Commonwealth and State officers should confer and report on the respective
occupancy by the Commonwealth, State and Local Governments of the fields of
income taxation, excise duties and sales tax, vehicle and fuel taxes, death
duties and land and property taxes. We shall be consulting fully with the
States on those items of shared taxation, such as death duties, on which our
officers are to report.
The Treasurer has already announced in Parliament that
the estate duty law is to be amended to establish a Board of Relief to hear
applications for release from liability for duty in cases of serious hardship.
Such a Board has proved its worth in the case of income tax. The estate duty
board will be empowered to release an estate from all or part of the duty
payable where payment would impose serious hardship on a beneficiary or
beneficiaries and where relief granted would be for the benefit of beneficiaries
so affected.
One aspect of estate duty is
particularly unjust -
the taxation of the matrimonial home. This practice
constitutes a failure to recognise the role women play in our society. The
person who looks after the home and the family contributes as much to the
economic value of the family home as the person who goes to work. In estates in
which the matrimonial home or an interest therein passes to the widow or widower
of the deceased the value of the deceased'
s interest, up to a limit of
$35,000, shall be excluded from the dutiable value of the estate; the proportion
of the value exempted from duty will be reduced by 2% for every $1,000 above
this limit.
This is one of the very few completely new
under-takings in this policy speech. It will cost only about $10 million per
year but will ensure that no widow or widower will have to sell the family home
in order to meet federal estate duty.
The
present income tax law allows concessional deductions for dependants to
Australian resident taxpayers only where the dependants are themselves resident
in Australia. In the case of a migrant who comes to Australia intending to
bring his wife and children out to this country as soon as he has made a home
for them, a period of 5 years is regarded as a reasonable time for the wife and
children to join the migrant in Australia. If he maintains the family during
this period income tax deductions for the dependants are allowable to him.
However, migrants who are maintaining dependent relatives overseas with no view to bringing them to Australia, or who may be prevented from bringing them to Australia by restrictive emigration policies in force in some countries, are unable to qualify for a tax deduction for dependants. It is my Government'
s intention to extend the provisions of the income tax laws governing dependants'
deductions so as to entitle people in these situations to the taxation advantages available already to all of us maintaining dependent relatives who reside in Australia.
Customer Protection
The Australian Government has already taken important
measures to protect the safety and economic interests of customers. They
include the 25% tariff cut and decisions to ensure cheaper colour television
sets and FM radios. When passed, the Trade Practices Bill will make safety
standards mandatory, and will require specified information to be disclosed when
specified goods and services are offered for sale. Collusive price-fixing by
corporations will be prohibited and the protection of customers will be promoted
through the encouragement of a competitive climate in industry. Last year we
established the Interim Commission on Consumer Standards, which has recommended
that a permanent body succeed
it.
We will establish a Bureau of Customer Protection. The Bureau will ensure that consumer interests are properly consulted and represented in all aspects of governmental activity on consumer protection.
The Australian government laboratories will be oriented
towards product testing; the results of such tests will be made public.
New Structures
The greatest burden on the Australian economy, the
biggest drag on our national prosperity is the inefficient, costly structures
inherited from the past. The great theme of our legislative program -
the
program now disrupted and deferred by this premature election -
has been
one of reform and renovation. We recognised from the beginning that the reforms
we were seeking for Australian society -
for a more just and humane
Australian society -
would be possible only through reforms in the
structure of the
government
itself.
The accumulated deadwood of
inefficiency of our urban sprawl, uncoordinated local government bodies, too
many trade unions, obsolete communications, archaic public transport systems,
lack of hospitals where most people now live, our land use and abuse, the
duplication of essential services because of misinterpretation of the true
meaning of federalism, and education system which until last year never took
adequate account of needs -
it is all these archaisms, anachronisms, and
inefficiencies which generation after generation, have built in to the
Australian economy such high costs for such poor returns. And this is precisely
what we have attempted -
to reform and restructure institutions and
systems whose inefficiency or antiquity impose a tremendous burden on the
Australian economy and the Australian
Society.
The Constitution states:
“There shall be an Inter-State Commission”. One of the first acts
of the Menzies Government in 1950 was to repeal the act establishing the
Commission passed by the Fisher Labor Government in 1912. The Government will
re-establish the Commission this year.
We have completely remodelled the departmental
structure of the Australian Government. To give organisational thrust to our
new priorities we have created new departments -
Minerals and Energy,
Urban and Regional Development, Aboriginal Affairs, Environment and Conservation
and Northern Development. We have remodelled and reinvigorated other
departments and have amalgamated and are amalgamating still others. We have a
more efficient administration. Even more important, the national government is
now equipped to involve itself in new important and urgent fields. In 1972 I
said:
“We shall need the help and seek the help of the best Australians. We
shall rely of course on Australia'
s great Public Service. We shall seek
and welcome advice and co-operation from beyond the confines of
Canberra”.
To promote further the efficiency of the Australian
Public Service we shall establish a Royal Commission. It will be headed by one
of Australia'
s most distinguished and experienced former public servants
-
a great servant of the Australian people -
Dr H C
Coombs.
I have already announced our
acceptance of the recommendations of Sir James Vernon'
s Royal Commission
on the Post Office that the Post Office should be independent of the control of
the Public Service Board and that a separate Australian Postal Commission and
Australian Telecommunications Commission (incorporating the Overseas
Telecommunications Commission) should be established. We shall follow the same
principle in the transport field for QANTAS, the Australian National Railways,
our airport and stevedoring operations and, jointly with the respective States,
the Newcastle dockyard and the Maryborough
shipyard.
We have armed the administrative
machine with new capabilities and new organs to deal with the increasingly
complex and difficult problems of planning for the needs of a growing industrial
society. Some of the new bodies were given permanent statutory form, such as
the Schools Commission, the Social Welfare Commission, the Hospitals and Health
Services Commission, the Prices Justification Tribunal and the Pipeline
Authority; others had their statutory charter utterly transformed such as the
Grants Commission, the Cities Commission and the Industries Assistance
Commission.
Obviously, our new departments,
statutory authorities, the commissions and enquiries advising the Government and
the Parliament cannot operate without staff, without advice, without qualified
men and women. Of course, that costs money -
not a cent too much, not a
cent too soon. Yet for the sake of paltry short-term savings, at the price of
losing the time and talents of men and women who have agreed to serve their
country -
judges, academics, state public servants and businessmen, our
opponents propose to throttle these new activities; they intend to cut off the
source of expert and public advice so essential to any planning for the
effective, efficient, most humane and least expensive ways of dealing with
Australia'
s accumulated social and economic problems for the rest of this
century. The fact is that we have to spend a little and plan a lot -
now,
in 1974 -
if we are to build a decent, humane, efficient society for the
generations to come.
So we have begun basic
and quite massive reorganisation of the structures which governments use in
Australia to carry out the people'
s business. This we propose to continue
to do. In some fields, notably education, we were able to act immediately. In
other fields, we had to wait for more information and more expert advice -
so we immediately set about getting that advice and recruiting the experts. In
other fields, like health insurance, we have met concerted obstruction. But in
all fields and all levels, the work goes on. It must not be interrupted. It
must not be disrupted. It must not be destroyed.
Education
The value of the work of our new Commissions and
Committees of Enquiry have been great and continuing. The Karmel Committee on
Schools, now instituted as the Schools Commission, has transformed the outlook
for Australian education.
We have almost
doubled Australian government spending on education. That money has been
distributed according to the needs of all schools. We have assumed full
financial responsibility for tertiary education. We have abolished fees for
tertiary and technical education. For the first time we are giving assistance
to teachers'
colleges and pre-school teachers'
colleges on the same
basis as universities and colleges of advanced education. We are giving much
more generous allowances to students and have more than trebled the number of
teaching scholarships.
The parents of
Australia well know -
and history will record -
that the greatest
single achievement of our Government in its first year was to change the face of
education in Australia, and to change the basic attitudes of the Australian
people towards education. If we had achieved nothing else, we would be
remembered for this: that we buried once and for all the futile and divisive
debate over so-called “State rights” and “State aid” for
schools. We not only freed vast amounts of money for schools; we freed the
whole debate on education so that from now on, parents, teachers, and
educational authorities can engage rationally in discussion about what is really
best for our schools and what is truly best for our
children.
Of course, many reforms still
remain to be made within the Australian education system. The Schools
Commission is already conducting a study of those groups not receiving full
benefits from their schooling: the culturally disadvantaged child, the
linguistically disadvantaged, the emotionally or intellectually disadvantaged.
The greatest inequity in the system however, as the Karmel Committee itself
remarked, is its bias against girls: the fact that so few girls as compared to
boys sit for their final school exams or continue into the technical trades or
enter the professions. This is one of the major reasons why women are
concentrated in the less well paid jobs in our society. I have asked the
Commission to study the causes of this situation and recommend
remedies.
We have drafted a bill to
establish a Curriculum Development Centre.
Child Care
The advice of the qualified and the concerned men and
women now being made available through our commissions and enquiries enables the
Government to implement its broad vision of the nature and purpose of education
in a modern society. We want not only to provide wider opportunities for
education for a lifetime, we want to provide opportunities for a lifetime of
education. Such opportunities must be made available if Australians are to be
able to lead full and happy lives rewarding to themselves and to the community.
In a society undergoing such rapid change as ours, the plain fact is that a
majority of people will change their occupation more than once in their lives.
Redundancy is no longer the lot of manually skilled workers alone. Few
occupations are going to be left untouched by the technological
revolution.
In the next Parliament our big
initiatives in education will concern the care and education of pre-school
children, technical training, and adult retraining. The foundations of our
initiatives rest on work done by the Social Welfare Commission, the Pre-Schools
Committee, the Kangan Committee on Technical and Further Education and the
Cochrane Committee on Adult Training and
Re-Training.
There are at present about 1.3
million children of pre-school age. For more than one in four of these
children, there is no parent at home during working hours. Of these only one in
every 10 attends a child care centre. A child in Canberra has twice as good a
chance of attending a pre-school as a child in Victoria and four times as good a
chance as a child in New South Wales. At least 15,000 children are left totally
unattended during the day. Thousands more are left to the care of brothers or
sisters. Furthermore, for too many of our primary school children there is
nowhere to go outside of school hours or during vacations. Too many children
begin school with educational, cultural or psychological
disadvantages.
The Government'
s
program for these children reflects the recommendations of the Pre-School
Committee, whose report was tabled last December, the Social Welfare Commission,
which was established by an act passed last November, and the Priorities Review
Staff. The program will develop a variety of services including the development
of family day care programs, day centres, preschools, playgroups, outside of
school care, emergency and occasional care, toddlers groups and baby-sitting
pools. Provision will be made for payment of care by relatives, friends or
neighbours. The scheme will be diverse and flexible to recognise different
needs of different communities.
To encourage
the creation of child care centres in industry, we shall remove the anomaly in
the Income Tax Act which impedes the tax deductibility of spending by companies
on child
care.
We envisage that 500,000 children will benefit by 1977 and that by 1980 all Australian children will have access to local centres designed to take care of their educational, health, psychological and other needs. All children, not just the 4 year-olds, whether cared for in their own home or in full, part-time or occasional care, will have access to free pre-school education.
Child
care services will be subsidised with parents contributing to the cost according
to their means, the main thrust of the program in the first years being to
assist disadvantaged children. It is estimated that the cost of this program in
the first year -
a program of vision and imagination based on a
compassionate understanding of the needs of the child, the parent and the
community -
will be $130 million.
Technical Education
We are determined that technical education shall cease
to be the Cinderella of Australian education. The reports of the Kangan and
Cochrane Committees will provide an effective and expert basis for bold new
initiatives to allow technical skills to find their proper and honoured place in
a changing society. These proposals represent a major attack on social
inequality. We have drafted a bill for a Technical and Further Education
Commission.
In March last year my Government
appointed a special manpower commission to study manpower policies abroad. We
now propose to amalgamate all existing training schemes into one new National
Employment and Training Program. NEAT will work in close collaboration with the
trade union movement and employer organisations to identify immediate needs and
to make long-term projections of labour needs to meet the future demands of
industry. We will offer relocation assistance to those who find themselves in
regions or industries affected by economic, structural or technological change.
In the provision of its training facilities, NEAT will give priority to persons
affected by changes in tariff policies and those made redundant by technological
change. NEAT will provide training opportunities for all persons without
discrimination on grounds of race or
sex.
Our retraining program will help ensure
that our present unprecedented growth in employment opportunities can be met and
maintained.
Increased productivity and our
growing prosperity depend upon our ability to make full use of the whole of our
available manpower.
Structural Change
The Government realises that, in times of rapid
technological change a mechanism is needed to promote and make easier the
movement of employees from one occupation to another, from one industry to
another, from one region to
another.
Accordingly, the Government has
decided to introduce structural adjustment assistance to individuals and
employers. Individuals, including small owners and rural producers, adversely
affected by structural change will be eligible for generous income maintenance
payments, retraining assistance and re-location grants; and firms will be
eligible for consultancy grants, loan guarantees and, where relevant, closure
compensation.
This scheme will improve the
Australian economy in the interests of the consumer and will provide industry
with a better resource base and pattern of skills.
Migrants
We recognise the outstanding contribution migrants have
made to our productive capacity. Our primary concern, however, is not their
economic value but their happiness as settlers and citizens. We have begun a
vigorous drive to help migrants overcome the disadvantage inseparable from life
in a new country. The number of social workers and welfare officers working
amongst migrants has been more than doubled. Some 1,500 special teachers have
been employed in schools at Australian Government cost to give special tuition
in English to 60,000 migrant children, twice the number receiving it under our
predecessors. Provision has also been made for emergency classroom
accommodation. For adults the number of specialised courses -
intensive
or accelerated courses, courses in industry, courses for women and arrangements
for one-to-one tuition in migrants'
own homes -
has been developed
or expanded.
Migrants have responded and
have demonstrated a new interest in identifying with Australia. The number who
have become Australian citizens in 1973 has increased by 48% over 1972, and the
number returning to their countries of origin has declined for the first time in
9 years.
Social Security
For too long Australia has demeaned herself and
millions of our fellow-citizens by the idea that those unable to work, or to
engage with full vigor in the work and leisure of a vigorous community deserved
charity but lost their right to self-respect and
dignity.
We inherited a system of social
welfare based almost entirely on the concept of cash payments. We inherited a
system whereby society accepted that it had fulfilled its obligations to the
disadvantaged sections of the community once it had settled upon the level of
cash payments for those deemed to be in need. It was an easy way to fob off our
collective conscience. It was a system which took little real account of true
need. It was a system which did nothing at all to provide its beneficiaries
-
or victims -
with a chance for dignity, a chance for
rehabilitation, a chance for taking a real place in the living
community.
The Social Welfare Commission has
been established to help the Government set goals for social welfare and to
allow the community to help determine these goals. The public reports of the
Commission serve as a standard by which the community can judge the
Government'
s decisions and performance.
Certainly cash payments for all classes of pensions and
welfare benefits have been significantly
increased.
Since taking office, we have
increased age and invalid pensions by 30% - a significantly greater increase
than the rise in average weekly earnings or
prices.
We have introduced a number of new
benefits and improved a number of existing ones. We introduced the Supporting
Mothers Benefit and the Orphans Pension. We abolished the discrimination of
classes of widows -
all widows now receive the same amount. We have
increased the grants and liberalised the conditions for Aged Persons Homes, the
Home Care program and Rehabilitation
allowances.
We have proceeded to abolish the
means test according to our promised
schedule.
My Government'
s over-riding
concern, however, has been to overhaul the entire system so that Australia shall
be, as once she was, as she ceased to be in the coalition years, a pioneer and a
leader.
The Australian Assistance Plans has
been established to expand and enhance, co-ordinate yet diversify the activities
of welfare agencies, official and voluntary alike. The Plan places emphasis on
the need for human contact, counsel and compassion as an addition to cash
payments. Funds on a cost-sharing basis with local government and voluntary
agencies have been made available in 35 regions throughout
Australia.
In 1975 the Australian Government
will make funds available under the Plan to every region in Australia.
National compensation
We are determined to place the security, the welfare of
those who suffer incapacity through accident or sickness on a sure and certain
basis -
on the basis of confidence and freedom from financial anxiety for
themselves and their families. Australians should not have to live in doubt or
anxiety lest injury or sickness reduce them to poverty. We want to reduce
hardships imposed by one of the great factors for inequality in society -
inequality of luck. Accordingly, in March last year, we established the
National Rehabilitation and Compensation Committee under the chairmanship of Mr
Justice Woodhouse of the New Zealand Court of Appeal. In February its terms of
reference were extended to cover the sick as well as the injured. It is
expected to report at the end of June.
Homeless Men and Women
My Government has decided to introduce a program to
help meet the material needs and raise the dignity of homeless men and
women.
Capital grants will be made available
over a three-year period to voluntary agencies, local and statutory authorities
for projects such as night shelters, hostels, flats, day centres and specialised
clinics and centres.
This is a program
devised in response to a much-neglected need: it will be of benefit to the young
as well as the old. It will be of benefit to any person in immediate need: to
the permanently homeless, to the deserted or disturbed woman and her children,
to the aboriginal or teenager in want or distress, to the battered woman or the
battered child, to the single parent -
in short, to anyone without support
or an income.
Nursing Homes
In keeping with the government'
s commitment to
protecting and improving the position of the sick and the aged, the government
will substantially increase benefits paid to nursing home patients to take into
account the increased costs incurred by nursing homes. The estimated cost of
this in 1974/75 is $6 million.
In addition,
an alternative form of financial assistance will be offered to religious and
charitable organisations conducting nursing homes under which the operating
deficits of the homes will be met by the
government.
The government is well advanced
in discussions with representatives of these homes regarding this arrangement
which will enable these homes to improve still further their standards and
facilities.
The Minister for Social
Security, Mr Hayden, will announce the details of the proposals and other
welfare measures in the government'
s welfare policy speech in Melbourne on
Wednesday.
Health
The government is determined to fulfil its
constitutional responsibility for providing hospital benefits and medical and
dental services and to give all Australians access to high quality health care
at reasonable
cost.
Our proposal for universal health insurance put to you and strongly supported by you in the elections of 1969 and 1970 as well as 1972, was twice rejected by the Senate. It was among the measures on which the Governor-General granted the double dissolution. It will therefore be one of the first measures brought before the new Parliament. Meantime more than one million Australians are still unprotected against hospital and medical charges.
We
will extend medical benefits to cover consultations with
optometrists.
We propose to restore free
hospital treatment established by the last Labor Government in 1947 and
abandoned by the Menzies Government in 1952. We shall offer to share with the
States half the cost of making hospital treatment free in standard
wards.
Further, the national government is
itself prepared to build, staff and operate hospitals in areas and regions now
inadequately served. We have already approached the
States.
We have offered to provide half the
cost of building and operating a new General Hospital in Launceston and wholly
build and operate a new women'
s hospital in
Hobart.
We have offered to construct and
operate teaching extensions at the Royal Newcastle Hospital without cost to the
NSW Government.
In the last Budget we set
aside $4 million to proceed with the building of a teaching hospital at
Westmead, NSW. Though this project has been planned by the NSW State government
for six years, that government has informed us that they are unable to spend the
money we have provided. Our offer still stands. The money is there. It is up
to the NSW State government to use it.
We
shall press on with the establishment of community health centres, where
possible in co-operation with State and local
governments.
The Australian school Dental
Scheme will be expanded to cover all primary school children by
1980.
We shall institute a domiciliary
dental service for the chronically ill and frail aged, to serve 70,000 people at
a cost of $600,000 annually.
We shall
reconstitute the Commonwealth Serum Laboratories and establish a Pharmaceutical
Commission to research, produce and wholesale drugs along the business lines
recommended by the Vernon Royal Commission for the Post Office.
Cities
In all these matters -
in education, social
security, health -
we have had these great objectives: to reduce
inequality, to promote equality of opportunity, to make the system itself more
efficient and equitable. All these aims are combined in the biggest new effort
my government has made -
in our great cities, in our growing centres all
around Australia. At last Australia has a national government prepared to
involve itself in the affairs of the places where most Australians live -
out cities and our centres.
We have
recognised, as I said in 1972, that “a national government which cuts
itself off from responsibility for the nation'
s cities is cutting itself
off from the nation'
s real life”. In its direct involvement in
cities the Australian Government has entered the mainstream of Australian life.
That new involvement has been central not only to the affairs of the great
majority of Australian people; it is central to our relations with State
government and local government. We not only want to remould, modernise,
revitalise our cities; we want to remould, revitalise, modernise the relations
between the three levels of government -
national, state, local. We have
involved the national government in matters which previously were left to the
States -
or not done at all. If they were left to the States, they were
too often done inadequately, or not done at all. If left to local government,
they were too often done inadequately, financed unfairly -
or not done at
all.
In this field we have had some examples
of splendid co-operation with the States yet equally we have met some of the
worst obstruction from the States.
The
Albury/Wodonga agreement to create Australia'
s first large centre away
from the seaboard since the founding of Canberra has been a splendid example of
co-operation. We have also made agreements with the States for urban transport.
It would have been unheard of until 1972 that an Australian national government
should involve itself directly in regional development, sewerage, urban
transport. Because previous national governments even with all their monopoly
over the really big and growing sources of revenue, would not involve
themselves, nothing effective was ever done about decentralisation; our great
cities had the largest unsewered areas of any comparable cities in the world;
and our urban transport systems were approaching breakdown. Of course it has
been impossible in so short a time to reverse the trends resulting from decades
of neglect. But we have made a beginning -
a great beginning.
Local Government
Yet crucial to making a good continuation and a good
culmination of these efforts is the role of local government. And it must be
said that our efforts to raise the status of local government and to give local
government direct access to the nation'
s finances have met with scant
co-operation from state governments.
We have
sought to make local government a genuine partner in Australia'
s federal
system. We have remodelled the Grants Commission to allow local government
bodies to make submissions and to allow the Commission to make recommendations
on the amounts of money needed to reduce inequalities between regions and within
States as traditionally it used to do as between the States.
The role we assign to local government is
the real answer to charges of centralism. Under a variety of programs we have
provided local government with the funds to undertake a range of activities
previously inadequately carried out or totally neglected. The Australian
Assistance Plan, the programs for community health, area improvement, the
national estate, the arts, tourism and recreation and aborigines -
all
these provide funds for community activities to be organised by local
government. We deliberately have made and shall make local government a vehicle
for our legislation on aged persons'
homes and hostels, sheltered
employment, handicapped children, meals on wheels, home care and nursing,
nursing homes and homeless men and women. These are all activities which cannot
be closely regulated from the centre and are best planned and implemented by
local government working with local communities. They justify assistance from
the nation'
s finances but not increased in
rates.
We insisted on local government
representation at the Convention on the Constitution in September last year. We
made local government representation a condition of participation by the
national government.
At that Convention I
put the case for local government representation on the Loan Council. The
States'
Premiers then, and at a special Premiers'
Conference in
October, turned down our proposal that local government should have a voice and
a vote in the Loan
Council.
The fourth referendum now before you will take the next crucial step in raising the status of local government. It will enable the national government to make grants direct to local government bodies, if they wish, and to borrow money on their behalf, if they wish. Only if this is done can local government acquire reasonable access to the nation'
s finances. Only if this is done can local government carry out the increasing responsibilities and bear the increasing burdens which federal and state governments alike impose upon it and which the people need. Only if this is done can inequality between regions be reduced. It remains true, as I said in 1972, that more and more the standard of life of the Australian citizen depends not so much on how much he earns but where he lives.
Urban Transport
We are providing $31 million this year to the state
governments for urban public transport improvement. We are proposing to provide
another $41 million to complete projects commencing this year. Half the money
has been allocated for the acquisition of new railway rolling stock, buses and
trams.
Other major projects being assisted
include quadruplication of the railway line between Granville and Penrith,
construction of a number of additional tracks in Melbourne to relieve congestion
and increase the capacity for express services operating to outer suburban
areas, and electrification of urban rail links in Brisbane and
Adelaide.
From as far back as 1907 each
mainland State government has from time to time consented to the Commonwealth
Government constructing or extending railways in its state; these railways have
always been country lines and have usually involved State expenditure. Last
February my government sought the NSW government'
s consent to construct a
railway in the metropolitan area, to be constructed and operated without cost to
the NSW government. The railway system we seek to construct will radiate from
Parramatta to Hoxton Park, Castle Hill and through Carlingford to Epping. It
will allow the introduction of the best contemporary signalling practices and
carriage sets.
I have told the Premier that
we wish to provide funds in the next Budget for the commencement of construction
and the ordering of rolling stock and equipment.
Housing
We recognise too that where Australians live is less
and less a matter of truly free choice, but a matter of the availability and
price of residential land. I regret to say that here again, in our efforts to
hold down the price of land, we have met State government obstruction. From the
time we took office we have been negotiating with the States to establish land
commissions to clear and develop land at new centres or on the fringes of
existing cities. The Commissions, by selling building blocks at a fair price,
would help dampen spiralling land costs. They would also be a key to better
town planning. In the last Budget we allocated $60 million to be spent over two
years by the land commissions. Only one State -
the Labor State of South
Australia -
has so far passed the necessary legislation. The former Labor
Administration in Western Australia passed the legislation in the Legislative
Assembly, only to have it rejected in the Upper
House.
We have found the housing problem one
of the most difficult of all our inheritances from the previous government.
During the two years prior to December 1972, there was a massive growth in money
supply within Australia and vast sums were channelled to the housing industry
for private dwelling construction. The result of this was that the housing
industry became grossly over-extended, long delays occurred in the supply of
materials and labour to building sites, construction times were greatly extended
and excessive cost rises became the order of the
day.
Public housing programs for which the
government provided a record assistance of $218.65 million in 1973/74 were not
being fulfilled because of the demand for resources in private housing and other
building construction.
While maintaining all
our efforts to recover from the position we inherited, we propose further
measures to reduce housing costs and the burden of paying for a
house.
A major program has already been
launched to produce a uniform housing code and recommended practices for
dwelling units of various types ranging from high to medium and low density
housing.
This is aimed at simplifying and
rationalising many of the unnecessarily complex and non-standard items which add
unduly to housing costs and which do not contribute to the quality of
living.
House Insurance
The government is determined to give home-owners the
opportunity to insure their properties for lower premiums and against natural
disasters. The Commonwealth Banking Corporation introduced on 1 February a
House Insurance Scheme with rates more favourable than those set by any insurer
other than the Defence Service Homes Insurance scheme, while the latter scheme
provides wider cover than other insurers, as flood victims in Brisbane have come
to realise.
Accordingly the government will
set up an Australian Government Insurance Office which will compete actively in
all forms of insurance and which, in particular, will provide the widest
possible cover for homes at the lowest possible premiums.
Interest Deductions
We will help new home buyers to rearrange their
mortgage repayments. The Treasurer and the Minister for Housing will have early
discussions with the major lending institutions on this matter. Our intention
is to help a rearrangement of mortgage payments so that younger home owners will
pay less at a time when the demands on their income are highest and begin to pay
more later in life when they are better able to provide higher
repayments.
We are thoroughly aware of the
burden interest rates impose on those buying their own home, particularly young
married couples. We are determined to ease that burden for those in greatest
need.
In my 1972 policy speech I undertook
that until interest rates can be reduced a Labor government would introduce a
scheme of tax deductibility for home interest payments. All taxpayers whose
actual income is $4,000 or below will be entitled to deduct 100% of their
interest rate payments. The percentage of total interest payments which is
deductible will be reduced by 1% for every $100 of income in excess of $4,000.
That scheme as I announced in February 1974 is due to go into effect in July of
1974. The legislation has already been drafted. The scheme will provide direct
tax relief not only for new home buyers, but also for nearly all those who are
at present paying off their homes.
Environment
Increasingly Australians have come to see the relation
between their own homes, their suburbs, their communities, and the whole
Australian environment. We are the first generation of Australians to become
sharply aware of the conflicting demands between growth and preservation of the
environment. Our government is the first Australian government to attempt to
develop sound environmental polices to reconcile these demands, to ensure that
growth and development are not bought at the price of the destruction of the
nation'
s natural and historical inheritance. We believe that the polluter
must pay, not future generations of
Australians.
One of my first actions was to
confer with the Premiers of NSW, Victoria and South Australia on the functions
of the River Murray Commission, which have been virtually unchanged for 60 years
and which are now quite inadequate to safeguard the urban and rural users of
Australia'
s greatest waterway.
We have
drafted an Environmental Protection Bill providing for environmental impact
statements and public hearings on them.
I
have proposed to the Premiers that joint environmental impact statements be
required on all projects for State works financed by the Loan Council. Every
Premier except the Queensland Premier has agreed to discuss this
proposal.
I have also proposed to the
Premiers that joint environmental impact statements be required for private
projects involving exports. To quote Mr Justice Hope'
s National Estate
Committee on Inquiry: “The Constitution gives the Australian Government
power to control the export of goods and, in particular, the export of minerals
and timber. It can require that it be satisfied that the exploitation of
mineral or timber resources, or the manner or extent of that exploitation, will
not adversely affect the environment before giving a license to export.”
Our government will exercise that power, regularly and effectively on the basis
of skilled and independent
advice.
We have drafted a National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Bill. It will establish a National Parks and Wildlife Commission and Service to manage and develop national parks, including such areas as Kakadu, the Great Barrier Reef, the Central Australian wilderness, the Australian Alps and the vacated defence lands in Sydney Harbour and Port Phillip Bay.
The
Government has banned the export of products of kangaroos and related species.
It has done this to convince the international community that Australia stresses
the importance of wildlife conservation and to indicate to the States that it is
not satisfied with the lack of uniformity in their approach to conservation
programs for kangaroos.
Foreign Control of Resources
The national estate belongs to all Australians. We
have accepted the responsibility of the national government to help protect it
and preserve it for the benefit of all Australians. Equally, we have accepted
our responsibility to protect Australia'
s resources so that henceforth
Australians will have a greater share in the control and ownership of their own
resources. We have tried to stop the great Australian sell-out. We have tried
to help Australians buy Australia back. In these aims we have met unrelenting
obstruction from our opponents.
For years
the Australian Labor Party advanced the idea of the Australian Industry
Development Corporation and in 1972 undertook to expand its activities to enable
it to join with Australian and foreign companies in the discovery, development
and processing of Australian resources. Eight months ago we introduced the
legislation; the Senate stalled it. Companion legislation for the National
Investment Fund had the same fate. Through this fund we intend to help ordinary
Australians invest in the development of their own resources and industries
instead of subsidising to the tune of millions, foreign investors and
multi-national corporations. The NIF will raise funds by operating savings and
superannuation plans for the general public and by offering securities and
investment bonds to both private and institutional
investors.
Further, the Senate twice
rejected the Petrol and Minerals Authority Bill. This is designed as our basic
instrument for ensuring development of our energy and mineral resources and to
maximise the ownership and control of these resources by Australians. It was
another of the measures on which the Governor-General granted the double
dissolution and it also will be promptly brought before the new Parliament.
Our opponents'
pattern of resistance to measures
designed to promote Australian ownership forms part of a pattern of
encouragement of foreign ownership they set when in
Government.
The great sell-out occurred when
they formed the Government. They are still the apologists for foreign
ownership. Their return to office would again open wide the door. As a result
of their policies, 68% of our energy resources are controlled overseas. Just
how wide our opponents opened the door is now being revealed. The Department of
Minerals and Energy set up by this Government has now received a thoroughly
documented and impartial report on the mining industry -
the Fitzgerald
Report.
Australians now know for the first
time the extent to which they have been subsidising mining investors -
mainly foreign corporations. The profit on their operations for the last 6
years was $2,0000,000,000. Our predecessors developed a system of taxation
concessions so generous to these struggling corporations that the Australian
taxpayer gave $341,000,000 in subsidies and concessions. But the companies paid
only $286M in taxes and royalties, $55 million less.
We have been paying to be exploited. The
Fitzgerald report will be the starting point for the formulation of policies
aimed at maximising the return to Australia of her natural endowment of mineral
and energy wealth.
We will continue
to pursue with vigour the surveillance of all foreign takeover proposals for
shares or assets of existing Australian companies. We have established
surveillance of new foreign investment proposals for which exchange control
approval is required. We have given particular attention to certain industries.
Australia is well furnished with financial institutions so there is little
advantage in allowing additional institutions to be established by foreign
interests. This is particularly the case in the field of insurance. In the
area of minerals we have indicated clearly that it is our objective to reduce
the extent of foreign ownership and control and to maximise Australian control,
particularly of energy resources. Furthermore we have stopped the sell-out of
Australian land, and exchange control approval for foreign investment in real
estate has been limited.
The Government will
proceed with the further definition of guidelines for foreign investment and
will extend the present systems of surveillance and review into a general
screening process of foreign takeovers and new direct foreign investment. This
screening process under the co-ordination of the Treasurer will seek to develop
performance guidelines particularly in the areas of export franchises, research
and development, licensing of technology, purchasing policies, and tax
avoidance.
Energy
The world energy crisis forced a critical test of the
resources policies of the Australian Government. They met that test
triumphantly. We have no intention whatsoever to use our possession of vast
resources to gang up against the resource users. We stand ready to join with
other nations in search of solutions. We recognise the interdependence of our
economy and our prosperity with our great trading partners, particularly Japan,
Northern America and Europe. We are, however, determined that our resources
command a fair price in world markets. This we are achieving. Through export
controls and discussions with exporters the Government has obtained higher
returns for exporters.
For the first time an
Australian government has used its authority to reinforce the bargaining power
of Australian exporters. We shall not sell our resources on the
cheap.
Australia has emerged as one of the
world'
s energy rich countries. We have minimum dependence on imports of
heavy crude oil and we have been among the countries least affected by
escalating crude oil prices overseas.
To
obtain advice on how this situation can best be used for the continuing benefit
of all Australians the government has set up a Royal Commission under Mr Justice
Collins to enquire into all aspects of petroleum products, refining and pricing.
Further, we approved last year the creation of a Pipeline Authority to provide
for the transmission of natural gas by an interstate pipeline system. The first
stage of the National Pipeline System will link Sydney to the Gidgealpa fields.
It is ultimately proposed that the pipeline will continue to Palm Valley. In
view of the critical energy shortage in Western Australia a joint
Commonwealth-State study is under way to evaluate the feasibility of a pipeline
link between Palm Valley, Kalgoorlie, Perth and the natural gas fields on the
North-West shelf.
The Australian Government
is working closely with the Western Australian Government on a study of a major
industrial complex in the Pilbara based on the utilisation of the abundant
supplies of natural gas, iron ore and salt in the region. The report will
provide the basis for decision on our future role in development of the area.
It will be ready in June.
Primary Industries
Australia'
s future as an exporter rests
increasingly upon our newly discovered mineral resources. The farm sector,
however, remains and will long remain fundamentally important to our trade,
fundamentally important to Australia'
s
prosperity.
My colleague, Senator Wriedt,
the Minister for Primary Industry, will deliver the government'
s rural
policy speech in Goulburn on Wednesday. Let me, however, outline the
Government'
s general approach and
record.
Most Australian farmers this year
have enjoyed unexampled prosperity. The average net income of Australia'
s
190,000 rural holdings this year is about $15,000. The average for the previous
6 years was less than $6,000. Our policies have contributed in no small
measure. In particular, we have sought aid to farmers to take the best
advantage of present favourable conditions to obtain new markets. We want to
encourage industries which have solid, long term prospects of selling their
products at a good return to the farmer.
To
this end, we have vigorously expanded existing markets and opened new
ones.
The Trade Agreement with the
People'
s Republic of China is only the most notable and novel example.
Within the terms of this Agreement, substantial long-term contracts have been
arranged for the supply of Australian wheat and sugar to China. It is beyond
question that the government of China will honour absolutely any agreement,
nonetheless, political relations cannot but affect trade relations. Our prompt
recognition of the People'
s Republic was indisputably a significant factor
in the co-operative and generous spirit with which both sides negotiated the
Trade Agreement.
In addition, the Australian
Government has reached a new level of understanding on trade with Japan, the
Pacific region, eastern Europe and the Soviet
Union.
We have passed 30 Acts for the
protection and reconstruction of primary industry in general and for such
specific industries as wool, wheat, meat, eggs, wine, honey, apples and pears.
We have drafted 16 further bills for nitrogenous fertilizer subsidies and wheat
stabilization and for the sugar, dairying, pig-farming, wool, canned fruits and
apple and pear industries. Although our wheat stabilization plan was endorsed
unanimously by the Australian Wheat-Growers Federation, it has now been placed
in jeopardy by the new Western Australian
government.
My government conceded the
correctness of primary producers'
complaints about high tariffs. By
reducing tariffs by 25% across the Board we shall save primary producers at
least $100 million this financial year.
The
Tariff Board has been succeeded by the Industries Assistance Commission on the
basis of a report we sought from Sir John Crawford. Although the new commission
for the first time enables the government to seek expert and impartial advice on
assistance for primary industries on a regular basis, the Country Party in both
Houses voted against the Bill establishing it. I have already asked the
Commission to report on rural promotion and research and reconstruction in
bovine brucellosis and tuberculosis slaughter compensation schemes, and on
assistance to the mushroom, apple and pear, dried vine fruits, dairy and
gold-mining industries and to Western Australian new lands
farmers.
The government is awaiting a report
from a committee of which Sir John Crawford is also a member, on the principles
which should be adopted towards a national and rational rural policy for
Australia.
We are pressing ahead with
special studies of the Burdekin and Bowen Basins in Queensland.
Flood Mitigation
The recent disastrous floods in Queensland have amply
demonstrated the need for a positive, co-ordinated national approach to flood
mitigation.
Accordingly, I have personally
invited the Premier of Queensland to submit a State-wide plan on flood
mitigation as the basis of consideration for Australian Government assistance.
I await his reply.
We propose that agreed
flood mitigation schemes for river basins should be undertaken co-operatively
between the Australian, State and local governments, as already applies in the
case of New South Wales.
I contrast this
co-operative approach, this national approach with the attitude of the present
Leader of the Country Party when he told the House of Representatives on 16 May
1963: “The problem of flood mitigation rests squarely on State
Governments”.
Roads
The present Commonwealth Aid Roads Act expires at the
end of June. The Bureau of Roads made a report to assist the government in
considering financial assistance to the States for the ensuing period. The
Minister for Transport tabled the report last December. Discussions have since
been held with the States and also, for the first time, but in accordance with
the Bureau'
s recommendation, with Local Government authorities. These
discussions will be resumed after the
elections.
Meanwhile the government has
decided that it will itself press on with the construction of a national road
system in those areas which fall within its own constitutional
responsibilities.
First, the government will
take responsibility for the whole cost of constructing and maintaining the
principal road between the State capitals. In the interests of safety and
economy a new 4-lane divided highway needs to be constructed at once between
Goulburn and Holbrook, passing through Collector, Tumut and Batlow and coming
close to Canberra. It will reduce the road distance between Sydney and
Melbourne by 70 miles. The government will consult with the State and local
government authorities on the precise
route.
Secondly, the government will take
responsibility for the whole cost of export roads of particular significance.
These include northern beef roads (over the next three years we propose to spend
$24 million in Queensland and $5.23 million on the Fitzroy Crossing-Wyndham road
in Western Australia), and other rural roads joining mines to seaports and urban
roads to major sea and air
terminals.
Thirdly, we shall make special
provision for roads between Canberra and neighbouring towns in New South Wales
and between the Northern Territory and the three surrounding States.
Sea Transport
We have appointed Mr Malcolm Summers, the former
secretary of the Department of Transport, as a Royal Commissioner to inquire
into the Maritime Industry. His report will be the foundation of a complete
modernisation of the laws covering our ports and our coastal and overseas
trade.
We are particularly aware of the
burden placed on the Tasmanian economy and on Tasmanians by their reliance on
sea transport. We have appointed Mr J F Nimmo, a member of the Grants
Commission, as a Royal Commissioner to inquire into the impact of freight rates
on the Tasmanian economy.
The Work-Force
Here then is a picture of the nation -
rich in
resources, and through our policies, getting richer; rich in its ability to
develop those resources and, through our policies, getting richer; a nation rich
in the means of marketing those resources at home and aborad, rich in the means
of getting them to those markets at home and aborad and, through our policies,
getting richer. Yet we recognise that the basic Australian resource, the key to
our wealth and continuing prosperity, is the Australian workforce, as skilled as
any in the world, as hardworking as any in the world. This workforce is
overwhelmingly and increasingly composed of employees. More than ever before
-
and the trend will continue -
the more skilled a person is, the
more likely it is that he will be an
employee.
For the first time the submissions
before the Australian Conciliation and Arbitration Commission have been positive
and constructive. As soon as we were elected we reopened the equal pay case and
our submission was successful.
In the 1974
National Wage Case, we argued that the minimum wage should be extended to women
and the automatic wage adjustments to compensate for rising prices should be
reintroduced. There are compelling industrial, social and moral arguments for
the equal treatment of women in the workforce. Further all women -
whether in the workforce or not, will know the need and the justice of automatic
adjustments to wages every three months. If accepted by the Commission these
automatic adjustments would remove the cause of many industrial disputes and
would protect the family budget against the effects of
inflation.
The vast majority of Australian
employees are members of unions or employee associations. The key to industrial
efficiency is efficient employee organisation. Our opponents have obstructed
our efforts to modernise and democratise Australian trade unions. There are too
many unions in Australia. We have sought to reduce the number of unions. There
are to many needless strikes in Australia; we have sought to remove the causes
of needless strikes. In those efforts we have been opposed by our opponents in
the Federal Parliament and have met with no co-operation from their confederates
in the States.
Responsible leadership of
both unions and industry strongly supports a reduction in the number of unions
and of demarcation disputes between rival unions. Our legislation to help union
amalgamation has been twice rejected by the
Senate.
In February 1969 the Industrial
Court pointed to the urgent need for the Australian, New South Wales,
Queensland, South Australian and Western Australian Parliaments to remedy the
problems created by conflicting and unco-ordinated federal and State industrial
laws. In particular, this situation has caused industrial strife through
competition for union membership within the same industry. We have acted
urgently on this matter which the Industrial Court said was urgent 5¼ years
ago. We have repeatedly asked the States to co-operate with us in co-ordinating
legislation. Only South Australia has acted. We have met with no response in
particular from New South Wales, the State where the problem is most acute, most
urgent.
It is not my concern, however, to
dwell on matters where we have been frustrated, either by the Senate or the
States. For the real story of the last seventeen months has been one of
continuing and positive achievement. It has been a story of new initiatives
carried through, of new beginnings, of new co-operation at all levels, to the
great and enduring advantage of the people of this nation. Our aim has been to
see that no Australian, nobody who lives in Australia and chooses to cast his
lot with us, should be excluded from the family of the nation. We have sought
to unite the nation and all who live in
it.
We have sought to make opportunities
more equal; we have sought to open new opportunities; we have sought the
enrichment of the lives of all our people. We have sought to raise
opportunities for all citizens so that the nation might no longer be diminished
by the existence amongst us of the grosser inequalities, the grosser
disadvantages, the grosser discriminations.
Aborigines
In my policy speech in 1972 I said that “All of
us as Australians are diminished while the Aborigines are denied their rightful
place in this nation”. December 1972 brought to an end a phase in the
long history of Aboriginal Australians marked by shameful brutality,
exploitation, neglect and contempt. We do not claim that our efforts have been
wholly successful. But we have set a new course. We have at the very least
opened a door to hope.
Despite inadequacies
much has been achieved and the road for the future becomes daily clearer. For
the first time Aboriginal voices have been heard and heeded. From now on there
will be through local community councils and at the national level through the
NACC Aboriginal bodies in close touch with Aboriginal opinion and interests with
authority to speak for them and to work in their interests. My government, as
one of its first acts, decided that Aborigines in the Northern Territory should
be granted rights to their traditional lands where these could be established
and appointed Mr Justice EA Woodward to advise us on how legislative authority
could best be given to that decision. The Woodward Commission'
s report is
complete and will be published before the election. My government has not yet
had the opportunity to study the report which we are confident will give
expression to our firm intentions. I am proud to head a government which has
taken this historic step.
We have fully
accepted the overwhelming instruction of the people of Australia given in the
referendum of 1967 to accept national responsibility for Aboriginal affairs.
The Western Australian Parliament has passed the necessary complementary
legislation to give effect to the people'
s instruction and agreement has
been reached in principle on the matter with all States except Queensland. No
agreement has yet been reached on the transfer of responsibility for Aboriginal
Affairs from the Queensland Government to the Australian Government, as the
people so decisively demanded 7 years ago. We intend to eliminate the remnants
of discriminatory Queensland legislation against Aborigines and Islanders, a
hope declared but unfulfilled by Prime Minister
Gorton.
All Aborigines are now entitled to
free legal aid from the Aboriginal Legal Services we established.
The Law
We have sought, however to bring legal aid within the
reach of all Australians. We are concerned to protect and enhance the
rights of all Australians. We are determined to give real meaning to the
concept of equality before the law.
The
Australian Legal Aid Scheme has been established to ensure ready and equal
access to the Courts to give every Australian equal protection before the law.
The service is already functioning in all State capitals and in Canberra and
Darwin. Offices will be opened in regional centres throughout Australia in the
next 3 years.
The refusal of Supply by the
Senate has delayed our legislation to establish an Australian ombudsman and
Administrative Appeals Tribunal.
We want to
simplify the law and make it less expensive. We have established a Law Reform
Commission and have set up a Legislative Drafting Institute for training in the
drafting of simpler and clearer -
and therefore better -
laws. We
shall legislate to extend to public servants the maximum possible freedom to
exercise the civil and political rights enjoyed by other
citizens.
We will proceed with our Freedom
of Information Act.
The referendum proposals
before you are designed to protect and enhance Australian democracy, to
establish true equality of representation in our parliamentary
processes.
As a further protection against
perversion of these processes, we propose to legislate for the disclosure of the
sources of funds passing to all Australian political
parties.
The Government will appoint a
judicial inquiry into the structure of the Australian security services and into
methods of reviewing decisions adversely affecting citizens or
migrants.
We will re-introduce our
legislation for the Superior Court of Australia, a proposal launched by Sir
Garfield Barwick in 1961, developed by the present Leader of the Opposition as
Attorney-General and introduced as a Bill by Mr Justice Bowen when he was
Liberal Attorney-General in 1968 -
but rejected by the Senate opposition a
month ago.
The Australian Government is
convinced that the High Court of Australia must become the final court in all
matters pertaining to Australia and to the legal rights and obligations of its
citizens. We will proceed with our legislation to abolish appeals to the Privy
Council.
We have passed three bills
concerning general and life insurance. We have drafted legislation on new
insurance companies and on the supervision of insurance brokers. We have twice
introduced but not yet passed the Financial Corporations Bill. We would have
already introduced legislation for the control of the securities industry but
for the constant deferment of a report from the Select Committee on Securities
and Exchange which the Senate set up over 4 years ago. We shall introduce a
National Companies Act which will establish uniformity -
a principle
sought by Liberal Governments since the late 1950'
s but acknowledged to be
unattainable through separate acts of the States. We have drafted legislation
to establish an export bank and to permit loans by the Commonwealth Development
Bank for tourist development projects.
Arts
Fundamental to our whole philosophy and fundamental to
our programs is the idea of a vigorous Australian national spirit -
a
healthy pride and confidence in ourselves, in our country'
s promise, in
our capacity to lift the standards of our people and help our less fortunate
neighbours to a fuller and better life.
To
help cultivate a rich and enduring national pride, and to enlarge the
people'
s opportunities for cultural fulfilment, we have given high
priority to the encouragement of the
arts.
We have reconstituted the Australia
Council for the Arts and provided $14 million for the arts in our first Budget
-
more than twice the amount given by our predecessors. We have now
introduced, but not yet passed, legislation for the new Australia Council; it
will be headed by Professor Karmel the Chairman of the Australian Schools
Commission.
It is not just the artists
themselves who will benefit. Our purpose is to make the arts more accessible to
every Australian, to let every man and woman share in their challenge and
enchantment and in the richer and fuller life they can
bring.
In the past 17 months we have
encouraged a greater participation of Australian creative and performing talent
in radio, television and cinema
production.
Never before have there been
such opportunities for Australian artists. We are firmly committed to
maintaining those opportunities and increasing them still
further.
In our next three years in office,
we will provide at very little cost, an additional radio network for the ABC in
the majority of rural areas that now receive a single ABC
service.
We will introduce FM radio for high
quality broadcasting of all kinds of music, beginning with metropolitan areas
and regional growth centres. The previous government was committed to creating
FM in the UHF band rather than on the internationally accepted band. The public
inquiry which we established calculated that this would cost an extra $250
million. It would have been another F111. The previous government also turned
a blind eye to the technical possibilities of new AM radio stations. Additional
radio frequencies will enable us to expand the commercial services, establish
educational and foreign language stations and make special provision for
minority groups.
We shall introduce colour
television in Australia on 1 March next year. The previous government baulked
at asking the Tariff Board to inquire into the cost of colour television
receivers. One of the first steps I took after becoming Prime Minister was to
refer the matter to the Tariff Board for inquiry. Because of action taken by my
government to date, colour television receivers in Australia will be available
to the public at a much cheaper price than would have been the case had the
inquiry not been held.
We have established
the Film and Television School and we will introduce legislation for the
Australian archives, the Australian National Gallery, the Australian National
Museum and Collections, the Australian Film Commission, performers'
protection, a public lending right and the book
bounty.
In short, as far as governments can
act in terms of money and machinery, we are creating the conditions for a
renascence of Australian creativity.
International Relations
More than ever before Australians are entitled to feel
pride in their nation. We have never been held in higher respect abroad. More
than ever before Australians are entitled to feel confident. I have said much
about our resources. In the final analysis our richest resource, an
irreplaceable one, is our national reputation. That reputation has never been
higher. I have said much about providing security for all our citizens. In its
widest sense this country has never been more secure. Australia now has
basically a bipartisan foreign policy, not because of any change of heart or
mind on the part of our opponents, but because we as a government recognised and
acted upon the realities of world affairs and above all the realities of our
region. Our opponents have just caught up with reality. The fears, the
shibboleths on which they traded for a generation have been swept away. Try as
they might, wish as they might, our opponents cannot return to the
past.
It is because we recognised the
realities of our times that our foreign policy has been so successful and our
defence policy so relevant. We approach the management of defence matters on
the basis that the international situation and the affairs of the region are in
the process of rapid change. We saw that defence policy and foreign policy had
to be brought into line with these changes, into line with these realities. We
saw how far both defence and foreign policy had become based on past concepts
and deep misconceptions of the present.
In
1972 I undertook to lead this country to her rightful proud and secure place in
the world. We can be proud of our reputation; we can be confident of our
security. We have set a new course for Australia -
away from
interventionism, towards true internationalism. This is the most genuinely
international government Australia has ever
had.
We have placed our relationships with
the United States and the United Kingdom on the basis of mature
partnership.
We have renegotiated the
agreement for the United States Naval Communication Station at North West Cape.
The agreement signed by our opponents was a denial of Australia'
s rights.
The new agreement asserts and establishes
them.
We have widened our horizons, sought
and achieved growing co-operation with the countries of the Commonwealth and
with the nations round the Indian and South Pacific
Oceans.
We have brought co-operation and
friendship with Japan, our greatest trading partner, to a new level. Following
an agreement in principle between Prime Minister Tanaka and myself at the
Ministerial Committee meeting in Tokyo last October, we will enter into a treaty
of friendship -
the Treaty of Nara -
this
year.
We have sought to break down
ideological constraints which had for so long obstructed meaningful
relationships with countries such as China, East Germany and North
Vietnam.
We have sought to remove any taint
of racism from our national and international
policies.
We have co-operated closely with
the Government and House of Assembly of Papua New Guinea as our neighbour moves
towards independence by December this
year.
We have forged new and intimate links
with the countries of ASEAN -
Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia,
Thailand and Singapore. We have accepted their invitation to co-operate with
ASEAN on development projects.
With the
agreement of all its members, we have secured the remodelling of
SEATO.
We have taken firm measures for
disarmament and against the development and proliferation of nuclear weapons.
We have ratified the nuclear non-proliferation treaty and the Sea-Bed Arms
Control Treaty. We have protested against Chinese tests. We have used every
available legal and political channel to persuade France to desist from its
atmospheric pollution in our hemisphere.
We
have actively supported the objectives of the zone of peace and neutrality in
South East Asia and the Indian Ocean zone of peace. We have made powerful
representations in Washington and Moscow to persuade them to exercise restraint
and not to make the Indian Ocean yet another scene for great power
rivalry.
We have introduced but not yet
passed legislation to establish an Australian Development Assistance Agency in
order to improve the quality of our aid program and to move toward the
international target, which we have accepted, of providing 0.7% of our gross
national product in official aid to developing nations.
Defence
We have encouraged and supported the détente
between the great powers. We have taken advantage of the more hopeful outlook
in our region to reorganise Australia'
s defence forces. To give a
tangible and practical basis to our defence relations with other countries we
have embarked on an expanded program of exercises with our neighbours and
traditional allies. In June, the largest peace-time exercise ever held in
Australia will be held in Queensland involving over 8,000 servicemen from
Australia, New Zealand, the United States and Great
Britain.
The Deputy Prime Minister, my
closest colleague down the years, Mr Lance Barnard, has proved the most
constructive and effective ministerial head of the defence forces in
Australia'
s history. He has amalgamated the Defence Department and the 3
Service Departments as recommended in the report of the Morshead Committee which
our predecessors suppressed for 15 years. He has undertaken to establish the
combined Australian Defence Forces Academy. The services are being equipped to
play a greater role in case of emergencies and natural
disasters.
He has presented to the
Parliament a new charter for the Citizen Military Forces, a new disciplinary
code for the forces, a new procurement program for tanks, reconnaissance
aircraft and destroyers. (Our present tanks were ordered by the last Labor
Government a quarter of a century ago.)
He
has appointed a military ombudsman. He has instituted the regular review of
service pay and allowances and a comprehensive and comprehensible Defence Forces
Retirement and Death Benefits scheme. He has co-ordinated the passage of 17
measures dealing with repatriation, taxation, education and accommodation
benefits for servicemen and the drafting of 9 more such
measures.
In short, we have moved steadily
and firmly towards our aim that Australia shall have the defence forces she
needs -
finely equipped, highly professional, highly mobile and highly
respected.
Conclusion
Here then is a record of achievement, of purpose, yet
is a record of a government which has been in office a mere 17 months. It is a
record of a government which came into office after 23 unbroken years of power
held by our opponents, 23 years of decay and neglect. It is a record of a
government which had to overcome unparalleled obstruction in a Senate in which
it was in a minority. This was our legacy in 1972 -
23 years of our
opponents'
mistakes and a hostile Senate. We have lived with the past and
we have overcome the past, the record shows
it.
Now our opponents propose a return to
the past, the attitudes and policies of the past which you so firmly rejected
only 17 months ago. Let there be no mistake about the true nature of these
attitudes and policies. In the past 17 months our opponents have shown no
repentance, they have done no re-thinking. On every major issue now as always,
they come down on the side of privilege. The whole thrust of their policies
remains the retention of privilege and extension of privilege. This has been
the thread running through their pattern of obstruction and opposition. They
resisted to the eleventh hour our proposals to give most money to the most needy
schools. They have obstructed at every turn our plan to give health cover to
the million unprotected Australians. On every occasion they have sprung to the
defence of wealthy interests who fear that our efforts to retain the greater
share of Australian control over our resources may inconvenience them. They
have opposed our every effort to have greater equality in parliamentary
representation in Australia.
The last
election was essentially about the promotion of opportunities, of more
opportunities and more equal opportunities for all Australians. In the past 17
months that effort has been carried out with zest, determination -
and
success. Imperfect success of course -
the time has been so short, the
backlog of 23 years so great. The question now is whether that work shall go
on. The question is whether the great opportunities this nation offers shall be
more and more equally shared, or whether privilege shall be deeper and deeper
entrenched. This is what you have to
decide.
When they make their judgement I
look to the basic intelligence and idealism of the Australian people. I rely on
it, and I rely upon it with confidence. In all my efforts to reform and
revitalise Australia, in all my efforts to reform and revitalise the Australian
Labor Party, I have relied upon that intelligence and that idealism. And you
have never let me down. I look to the men of Australia who believe in a fair go
-
not just a fair go for an elected government, but a fair go for all
those of their fellow citizens to whom our policies have brought a new home, a
new chance for a decent life. I look to the women of Australia, who well know
what our program has already meant for the future welfare of our children, of
our aged, our sick, our handicapped. I look to the idealism of that vast new
constituency of men and women over the age of 18 now voting for the first time.
It is above all their future at stake. For the outcome of this election must go
far to determine the sort of Australia they will be living in for the rest of
their lives.
Here is the record. Here is
the promise of the fulfilment of the programs we have begun with such vigor and
determination -
with dedication. The question is whether the action of
our opponents last month was only a temporary interruption to those programs or
their destruction. It is nonsense to believe that our opponents would accept
and apply our programs and policies which they resisted and derided for 23
years.
Fellow-Australians: it is a time for
decision, and I put these questions to
you.
Are you for a fair go, not just a fair
go for an elected Government, but a fair go for our program to
work?
Are you for giving us a chance to make
them work?
Are you for Australians having a
fair opportunity to have a fair share in the control and ownership of their own
resources?
Are you in favour of giving every
Australian child, whatever his parents'
means or creed, a fair start, an
equal start in life?
Are you for the new
deal we have given to our children, to the dependent, the disadvantaged in our
community?
Are you for the more decent, the
more humane, the more tolerant, the more compassionate society we have been
trying to build in the last 17 months?
Are
the Australian people to be allowed to reap the full harvest of our
programs?
I don'
t believe the
Australian people are going to turn back.
I
don'
t believe they'
re going to turn their backs on the promise of
the future.
I don'
t believe
they'
re going to throw away the new opportunities, the new hopes, the new national spirit and national
self-respect.
I don'
t believe they
will have a bar of the tactics, the blatant opportunism of our
opponents.
I don'
t believe for a
moment they are about to do what they have refused to do in all our history
-
replace a strong, united government, a government with a clear program,
a proven record, a great record, and hand this country over to a discredited,
disunited, discarded coalition of frustration and futility, without policies,
without unity, without leadership.
And that
is the real choice on the 18 May.
Therefore
I look with confidence to a great vote of affirmation on the 18 May -
a
mighty vote of yes -
yes to our referendum proposals -
yes to the
return of our government -
yes to the future, a bright, confident, proud,
secure future for Australia.