The Greens, Pauline Hanson and the Death of the Two-Party System
August 20, 1997
This is the text of a speech given by Senator Bob Brown to the National Press Club.
The Prime Minister will be asking Parliament before
Christmas to hand 42 percent of Australia to less than
one percent of the people. In fact, 42 percent of
Australia to fewer than one tenth of one percent of the
population. From Cape York to Kalgoorlie, from Dubbo to
Darwin, most of Australia's great red heart will go
to a brace of millionaires, pastoral and mining companies
at the expense of every other Australian. Amongst the
beneficiaries of the upgrading of pastoral leases will be
Kerry Packer and Janet Holmes a Court.
Mr Howard's plan opens the way for this vast
region to be converted from leasehold - that is rented
property restricted to cattle-grazing, to effective
freehold - with far wider potential uses, without
Aboriginal permission. Mr Howard's 10 point plan
provides for a transfer of money as well as land - where
required, compensation is to be paid by the taxpayers of
Australia to the dispossessed Aboriginal people. So the
rich landholders take it free of charge, and the
taxpayers foot the bill. There is no nicety or cover-up
or embarrassment about this monstrous land grab such as
Australia has never seen before, not even in the age of
squatters and colonial land grants. Mr Howard's
hinterland clearance of Aboriginal rights is
Australia's version of the highland clearances.
Though this conversion is to be by decree rather than
guns, it is one of the lowest acts in Australian history,
one which will take decades or centuries to unravel,
rectify and recompense. One for which every Australian
will pay. It carries, in addition, huge environmental
costs.
We need only to look at the Queensland developer who,
courtesy of a National Party state government in the
eighties, had his 42,000 hectares of pastoral leasehold
converted to freehold and then bulldozed millions of
trees in the Mitchell River region, to see how Mr
Howard's plan will open the way for a new round of
destruction in Australia's fragile rangelands in the
nineties. The environments of the Gulf of Carpentaria,
the Brigalow Belt, the Flinders Ranges, Cape York and the
Kimberley are all at stake.
Of course it is easy to take a perversely narrow view
of the environment and point out, as Pauline Hanson has
done, that Aborigines sometimes leave bits of paper
blowing around untidily near their settlements. Never
mind the fact that the rest of us Australians dump one
million tonnes of paper into wastelands near our
settlements each year. Pauline's argument is as
effective as it is spurious -- conformity, rigidity,
wowserism, hate, all come in her same bundle of snakes.
But who is worse in the new wave of divisive politics.
Ms Hanson who is an expert on lolly paper racism? Or John
Howard who uses parliament to rob Australia's
indigenous nation of its rights, its freedom of movement,
and spiritual and cultural connection, to 42% of the
continent? It is John Howard who has written into his 10
point plan a decree that when it comes to negotiating
fast-track developments, Aboriginal spiritual attachment
to the land will be specifically banned from
consideration. John Howard is not black arm banding but
he is banning black spirituality! His is the nasty face
of this new right Australia. It is he who deserves the
protests.
This was brought home to me last week when I visited
the Ganggalida people in the Gulf country. There, the
community has been divided by CRA's Century Zinc
mine and its 300 kilometre slurry pipeline across
Aboriginal land to the Gulf port of Karumba. The pipeline
is totally unnecessary. The ore should be going via the
existing railway to the port of Townsville. But the
corporate might has insisted on the pipeline with its
huge environmental threats to the Gulf of Carpentaria.
Well, John Howard's 10 points to give the corporates
even greater power in such cases, becomes 10 barbs for
black Australia -- and none so barbed as his specific ban
on Aboriginal spirituality when it comes to fast-track
developments.
And where is the Labor Party, the party of social
justice? Well, back-flipping and belly-upping at the
shallow end of the pool. Who knows what it will do over
this 10 point plan? Who would have guessed its cave-ins
on compulsory work for the dole, Hindmarsh Island,
mandatory greenhouse gas reduction targets or, coming
soon, uranium mining?
Which brings me to the title of this Press club
speech: The Greens, Pauline Hanson and the death of
two-party politics'
Labor and the conservatives are not driven by
parliamentary representation per se. They feel assured of
that. Their main game is to win government, to win the
Treasury benches. To do that they need one or other of
the media barons on side. It is awesomely difficult to
win elections with both Rupert Murdoch and Kerry Packer
off side. Now neither of these multi-billionaires is
going to foster real social equity, let alone
environmental excellence. So for Labor, good
old-fashioned social justice is incompatible with
government. It's a dead duck. Leave it to the
Greens.
In this age of economic fundamentalism, where dollars
dictate and materialism is religion, both the old parties
are slavish adherents. The holy trinity is cut income
taxes, cut services, and cut loose on transferring power
from parliament to the stock exchange.
Of course I am shorthanding. Politics is manifestly
more complex. But both parties are quite incapable of
giving up the corporate donations which these days sees
them taking millions each year from the big companies. It
is a corrupting influence. The huge political donation
may be legal for the parties, but it is also lethal for
democracy. It makes a joke of the ideal of one person,
one vote, one influence.
Australians at large think differently to those
donors. So the two-party institution which we inherited
from Westminster is haemorrhaging. As voters despair of a
fair go for all people rather then the millionaire set,
they are cutting loose themselves. Whereas twenty years
ago only 6 percent of Australians voted away from the
major parties, today it is up to 18 percent. We are
following continental Europe into the age of multi-party
parliaments and multi-party governments. And we are on a
road of no return. Not even Australia's archaic and
unfair British system of single-member electorates will
save it.
For, rather than the merging Conservative and Labor
politics constricting choice, they are spawning diversity
outside themselves: in the form of independent parties,
clearly identifiable and free to innovate around an
identifiably different credo from economic
fundamentalism.
So One Nation has grabbed the attention of the
redneck, blue-rinse set of older conservatives, those
fearful, strident and narrow-minded Australians at the
purple end of the new spectrum. The Greens on the other
hand have grabbed the attention of the egalitarian,
eco-oriented and utopian younger Australians at the other
end of the spectrum. Besides Liberal and Labor, in
between the purple and the green, struggling for identity
but nevertheless durable, are the Nationals, the
Democrats and a diverse ever-changing and non-durable set
of independents, almost always splintered from the old
parties.
That's the new face of Australian politics.
Multi-party and giving more real options to the voters.
It is breakout politics.
We see it in the Northern Territory election campaign
now underway, where the two Greens candidates, both
Aboriginal, June Mills in Milner and Thomas Maywundjiwuy
in Arnhemland offer Territorians a totally new and
different voice on the floor of their Legislative
Assembly.
We will also see it in Australia's renewed tax
debate. The Coalition and the ALP are both fixated on the
GST. We Greens say let's have everything on the
table. But, let's first remember that our taxes pay
for services that governments provide -- education,
health, looking after the environment, transport, social
security for example. And let's also remember that
taxes are a powerful mechanism for governments to help
create the kind of society we want. Most Australians are
not aware that already the balance is weighted against
average taxpayers so that for every dollar of company
tax, Australians pay four dollars in personal tax.
The society that we Greens want will be equitable,
environmentally sustainable and enterprising. So we will
fight hard for ecological tax reform, to reap a double
dividend by reducing taxes on labour and increasing taxes
on resource use and pollution -- replacing payroll tax
with a carbon tax for example. We reject Mr Howard's
push for lower personal income tax and his attempt to
constrict and constrain the debate before it even starts.
Let's use this opportunity for reform to turn around
the growing gap between rich and poor in Australia and to
stimulate enterprise, jobs and environmental excellence.
In this breakout politics, the Greens are the new
global political movement at this end of the century.
With Green parties in some 100 countries, the role of
Australia has been formidable. On March 23rd this year,
we celebrated the 25th anniversary of the world's
first Greens party which arose in Tasmania to oppose the
Labor-Liberal plan to flood Lake Pedder in 1972. In
April, the world's first national Greens party,
which now has three MPs, celebrated 25 years in New
Zealand.
The now universal appellation Green' for
our brand of long-sighted politics seems certain to have
also derived from Australia - from Sydney in fact. In the
mid-seventies, Petra Kelly visited Sydney and was
galvanised by Jack Mundy and the BLF's Green Bans
which, amongst other things, saved the now revered Rocks
area from destruction. Petra took the label
Greens' to Europe and, in 1979, the
world's first Greens parliamentarian was elected
there. Now there are Greens in many parliaments - most
recently five national deputies plus a senator elected in
Mexico, eight MPs including the new Minister for the
Environment (Dominique Voynet) in France, and two Green
members to the Irish Dail.
Here in Australia the Greens are surging again. We
have twelve state and federal MPs, eight of whom are
women and all of whom handle some degree of balance of
power. Christine Milne leads Tasmania's four Green
MHA's in the Tasmanian house of government, where,
besides proving a courageously stabilising factor, the
Greens have paved the way on gun control, gay law reform,
Aboriginal reconciliation, local employment initiatives
creating 800 jobs, and the redirection of the economy to
the clean, green, labour-intensive small business sector.
In the Senate, one twenty-four hour period in the last
session saw three totally unreported votes which set the
gap between the Greens and the rest, including the
Democrats. Dee Margetts and I called divisions; firstly
against the $800 million diesel fuel rebate handed over
to the big mining companies at this time of cuts to
education, health and just about all other services;
secondly, we voted against the second reading of Amanda
Vanstone's bill to privatise big parts of the
Commonwealth Employment Service; and thirdly we moved to
censure Environment Minister Robert Hill over his failure
to produce the documents which he used to give the nod to
the destruction of grand Karri forests in Western
Australia. Each time we looked across the Senate at a
wall of Liberal, National, Labor and Democrat opponents.
If you are a young Australian, or indeed any
Australian, looking at that wall of politics, those three
votes are a clear show of how determinedly the Greens
offer a strong and coherent alternative to the politics
of materialism. Green versus greed.
Mr Howard's narrow imagination sees tax reform as
the height of adventure. The Greens' imagination
spans the neighbourhood and the world.
It's time for a specific Aboriginal voice in our
parliaments and recognition of the first Australians in
our constitution. When the Wik debate comes to the
Senate, I will be moving for an Aboriginal person to have
the time allocated for my second reading speech.
It's time to recognise local government in the
constitution, time for the republic, time for freedom of
information laws that extend to the private sector where
it is taking over public functions.
It's time for local, national and global
greenhouse gas reduction targets and time for the Sun
Fund to promote renewable energy.
It's time to move towards a democratically
elected world parliament so that we don't leave de
facto global government to the transnational
corporations. Why not campaign to host it here in
Australia?
Tomorrow the Orbost Magistrates Court in East
Gippsland will consider a charge against me of
obstructing logging operations last June. I will plead
not guilty. Robert Hill, the lousiest Minister for the
Environment this nation has ever had - and that is saying
something - had his hand on the chainsaws sent into the
beautiful Goolengook forest with its statuesque tree
ferns, ancient tall eucalypts, lyre birds and mountain
brushtails, while I and 140 like me are being tried for
trying to do his job of protecting the nation's
environmental amenity.
The destruction of Goolengook - and protesters are
still on site - shows what a sham John Howard's
promise to protect Australia's high conservation
forests and wilderness is. It is a warning that this
Friday's Regional Forest Agreement, between Mr
Howard and Tasmanian Liberal Premier Tony Rundle, will
also be loaded towards the job-shedding woodchipping
industry and against key areas of Tasmania's world
heritage value rainforests and tall eucalypt forests.
This Tasmanian forest decision is another defining moment
for Mr Howard's administration and the nation's
future.
Tomorrow's preliminary court hearing will set the
date for our trial, but it is not me or my fellow
protestors who should be in the dock - it is John Howard
and Robert Hill who should be facing the magistrate for
contempt of the nation's forest heritage.
Yet I am a Green optimist. Besides the rise of the
Greens, I applaud the more recent stirring of campus
restiveness and of interest by young Australians in
parliamentary politics. A month ago I attended the
Townsville conference of Students and Sustainability --
500 students from universities all over Australia. It was
alive with zeal for action. Six busloads of students took
off to protest the invasive mega-resort at Hinchinbrook.
Another busload was hosted by the traditional owners at
magnificent Jabiluka, the proposed uranium mine site in
Kakadu whose fate also depends on a government decision
expected in the next day or two.
These students have their wider sights set on a civil
society, a sustainable environment and how to grapple
with this economic fundamentalism which has Australia by
the throat. They have a new focus on parliaments. Since
the old parties are abrogating more and more government
responsibility for society and the environment to the
multi-nationals, the growing idea is that rather than
protest against Liberal and Labor it is better to replace
them. That is the aim of the Greens worldwide.
In young Australia is burgeoning the search for a
post-materialistic world where six billion people
rediscover how to live in peace and fairness with
themselves and with this tiny planet Earth, so that we
leave it better, not the worse, for all the generations
who will follow us. Everyone, the future is Green.
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